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Their numbers grew steadily, and for much of the VOC period they outnumbered free settlers, but in the eighteenth century the total at any one time never exceeded 25,000, rising to just under 37,000 at the time of general emancipation in 1834. A further distinction between the Cape and Atlantic slave societies, and a feature more characteristic of the Asian and Indian Ocean world, was that slave supplies came not from a regular slaving trade carried out by the VOC (with the exception of irregular voyages directly from Cape Town to Madagascar).

206; Colin McEvedy, The Penguin Atlas of African History (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1983), pp. 80, 90. g. Ralph Austen, African Economic History (London and Portsmouth, NH: James Currey and Heinemann, 1987), p. 67. 15 Gwyn Campbell, ‘The State and Pre-colonial Demographic History: The Case of Nineteenth Century Madagascar’, Journal of African History, 31, 3 (1991), pp. 415–45. 16 Helge Kjekshus, Ecology Control and Economic Development in East African History (London: Heinemann, 1977), esp. ch. 1; Gwyn Campbell, ‘Disease, Cattle and Slaves: The Development of Trade between Natal and Madagascar, 1875–1904’, African Economic History 19 (1990–1), pp.

114 Chatterjee, ‘Abolition by Denial’; Klein, ‘The Emancipation of Slaves’; Salman, ‘The Meaning of Slavery’; for pre-nineteenth century forms of debt bondage, see also Miller, ‘Theme in Variations’. 115 Kim, ‘Nobi’. 116 Sheriff, ‘The Slave Trade and Its Fallout’; Warren, ‘The Structure of Slavery’; see also Campbell, ‘Slavery and Fanompoana’ and for a pre-nineteenth-century example, Hoadley, ‘Slavery, Bondage and Dependency’, pp. 91–117. g. Boomgaard, ‘Human Capital’; Campbell, ‘The State and Pre-colonial Demographic History’.

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